Wednesday, August 26, 2020

Invitation to a Beheading Review Essay Example

Greeting to a Beheading Review Paper Exposition on Invitation to a Beheading Splendid craftsman again painted a picture of the world. Senseless and odd picture. Rather, the profundity, exactness, immaculateness of lines and shades of some cutting edge in the style of Picasso. Furthermore, you safeguarded two hours in a line at the Pushkin this spring? ) Cincinnatus C., a genuine live individuals, live in a ludicrous minimal universe of non-people, poor apparitions and humanoid dolls. For something endless, for certain its foggy obscurity and gnosiologicheskuyu disgrace Cincinnatus C. is sitting in prison hanging tight for the execution. We will compose a custom article test on Invitation to a Beheading Review explicitly for you for just $16.38 $13.9/page Request now We will compose a custom exposition test on Invitation to a Beheading Review explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer We will compose a custom exposition test on Invitation to a Beheading Review explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer what's more, obviously I have misdirected you in the title, on the grounds that no procedure or Castle Kafkas got nothing to do with it. The procedure Joseph K. languished not over the thought and for the nonattendance of such a general nature in this world There is likewise a wrongdoing the hero is very clear and self evident - . it is available conductive, rather than every one of that encompasses it. Dolls, secured with human skin, drive around move and showcase his play. Change jobs, covers, ensembles and wigs. Confounded words, concocting ludicrous scenes, change the situation over the span of the play. Dolls prison guards, judges, doll-spouse, doll-mother and killer doll, which should remove his head. Executioner with the jail chief burrow an underground section to the chamber a detainee to make an astonishment for him, his significant other comes in the last gathering with the entirety of your family and another sweetheart, and just before execution in respect detainee suit nearly firecracker. This is idiotic to the point that it isn't even frightening. That is positively alarming to kick the bucket, yet additionally by one way or another not genuine. Furthermore, the closer the punishment, the foolish turns into the encompassing microcosm. The truth is essentially blasting at the creases, lastly self-destructing. Jail separates, the group on the square before the framework appears to be not well drawn, level and straightforward figures of individuals. The entirety of this spreads, the port vanishes before our eyes. As a matter of fact, no blow of the hatchet, nor passing Cincinnatus didn't feel it. He just gets a hacking square and go on the pieces of landscape where, in light of the voices are resembling him. Maybe this book there is no demise. About that demise doesn't have to do with us.

Saturday, August 22, 2020

What is the social responsibility of business Essay

What is the social obligation of business - Essay Example This is on the grounds that all the partners assume an extraordinary job in characterizing the job of the business in regards to its needs and wants, which go far in building its development (Wight and Morton 155). The business point of making benefits is pivotal and unquestionably significant in light of the fact that it can't work without it. Making investor esteem by creating benefits is the concentration for some organizations over the world. Notwithstanding, note that investor worth ought not be the sole reason for the endurance of a business. Mackey accepts that putting the customers’ needs in front of investor esteem prompts a fruitful business. In a business where the focal topic is to make benefits, the customers’ needs are a methods for accomplishing the business objectives. This is a twisted technique for maintaining a business in light of the fact that the partners including the clients are critical in supporting the business. Organizations should seek after client joy since it is an end in itself, which guarantees that a business strategic sought after in higher intrigue, energy, and sympathy for their necessities (Tisch and Weber 122). What's more, a business whose sole reason for existing is boosting benefits and investor esteem doesn't completely esteem the necessities of different partners like workers, financial specialists, providers, the network and the earth. A business must center its prosperity by consolidating all the partners since they acquire esteem all regions. The organization administration should inspect the serious commercial center and different factors to decide how to successfully impart to all partners. T.J. Rodgers contends that any cash and time spent in noble cause is a type of blackmailing financial specialists since the organization resources legitimately have a place with them. Numerous in this view contend that the organization the executives has the duty to boost investor esteem and in this way, any exercises that do in any case aren't right. Be that as it may, this is an off-base and biased conviction on the grounds that corporate social

Friday, August 21, 2020

Select An Example Of Contemporary Popular Culture (from Pop Music,

Select An Example Of Contemporary Popular Culture (from Pop Music, Select An Example Of Contemporary Popular Culture (from Pop Music, Video Games, SocialNetworking, â€" Essay Example > IntroductionPop music which is basically a term that is an abbreviation of popular music is generally understood to be a recorded music that has a lot of orientation to the young generation. It consist of very simple, short songs that currently makes use of technological advancements to come up with new variations on already composed themes. Pop music has emerged due to influences from other forms of music. As a genre of music, popular music is more closely linked to rock and roll as paying critical attention to them demonstrates the high degree of similarity. Pop music has been linked to a lot of youth culture which is at the foremost marked by pleasure and eventual evolution to other aspects of undesirable life such as violence and rebellion to societal authority. Many of the American leaders as well as school authorities are on record to be have advocated for regulation of music industry so as not to be a recipe for cultivating bad traits in the young generation. Pop music and youth cultureParents of youths who don’t have the ability to differentiate pop music from heavy metal music may generally have a hard time having a concerted discussions with their children as the former is a favorite of the youth especially in the developed world such as the United States. That may be attributed to the fact that music is key to the youth culture which cuts across the adolescent ages. For instance, at an adolescent get together, the fundamental question relates to what one listens to and not what one does. Different pop music has diverse lyrics as others may have decency in use of language; others may be too obscene and as such may offend so many in the society. Teenagers and entertainment moguls who mostly argue that pop music is not different from other types of music do not consider the fact that a lot of human learning is principally incidental in nature and more often than not occurs outside the realms of educational settings. Entertainment managers would n ot be so much concerned about what they offer to the consumers as most of them are driven by capitalist ideology of getting rich. It is in this aspect that pop music may be referred to as a heavy equipment that has more influence in the lives of the young people as compared to movies, television, and computers (Denisoff and William, 1986). The consumption of pop music by the youthAccording to Hatch and Millward (1978), it has been found that on average, a typical American adolescent listen to music as well as watching music videos for four to five hours on a daily basis, which is in fact more time compared to that they spend with friends at home or the neighborhoods. Music therefore matters a lot to adolescents, and hence cannot be well understood without a critical examination of how it perfectly suits their lifestyles. As is the case of American youths, pop music intensifies and alters their moods, dominates their conversations, furnishes a great deal of their slang, and provide s the right ambiance during their social get together. Music styles such as the ones noted in pop music define the cliques and crowds the youth associate with. Music personalities therefore provide models in relation to how they dress and behave. The consequences of music may not show up as fast as possible to the mind as violence and sex, but ultimately may play a very significant role in the development of adolescents. Many a scholar have in fact viewed television as the main media influence on the youth, but in the real sense, they devote a lot of their time and energy to music. Most youths use music to enhance their emotional beings and moods. Music is believed by psychologists to have the ability to make good mood to the better and can enable one overcome the bad ones. The latter has led many to believe that music lyrics about violence and suicide against the feminine have resulted in troubled youth committing violent crimes and suicide. News and movies reports have the tende ncy of over-emphasizing the bad examples drawn from music, but psychologists have suggested that music has the potential of energizing listeners as opposed to de-energizing. Youths also use pop music to get vital information about the adult world as well as withdrawing from other social contacts. It also helps in the facilitation of social settings, friendships and creation of a personal identity.

Sunday, May 24, 2020

Distinguishing Fantasy from Reality Comparison Essay...

Don DeLillo’s book, White Noise, tells the story of Jack Gladney and his family. Throughout the book, Jack takes on a professional, fictional persona resembling that of Hitler, being the Chairman of Hitler Studies at the College-on-the-Hill (DeLillo 4). Jack turns his professional persona into this fictional character, something he could transform himself into, as if he was filling a Hitler mold. Jack relies on this Hitler-esque persona to sustain his own personal identity and self-worth, although in his mind, this fake persona is only subsidiary to his own personality. Jack struggles with ascertaining the importance of himself as compared to the importance of his own made-up persona and this notion of fabricated reality becoming more†¦show more content†¦Jack’s two identities and his using his fake persona to bolster his own identity can be compared with the movie Fight Club. In the film, Edward Norton plays the narrator of the movie, an unnamed, insomniac off ice worker. He unknowingly creates a second persona, Tyler Durden, and he sees Tyler as a completely separate person. Throughout the movie, Norton slowly begins to transform his dull, meek life to mirror that of Tyler’s, although he does not yet see that he is in fact Tyler. The idea presented by The Most Photographed Barn in America is presented in Fight Club when Norton states, â€Å"Everything’s a copy of a copy of a copy† (Fincher). Norton’s character lives a very dull, monotone life. Everything from his speech, his work, and his living conditions are very bland and boring. When he begins attending support groups to validate his own personal pains by using the pain of others as a crutch, he forms a hatred for Marla Singer because her lie reflected his own lie of not actually having something wrong with him as everyone else in the various support groups. After he develops an addiction to support groups, he states that â€Å"If I didn’t say anyt hing, people always assumed the worst† (Fincher). He is letting people come to their own conclusions while not having to outwardly lie to them, simply letting everyone else assume the lie for him. Much like how J.A.K. Gladney’s personality vastly differs from Jack’s,Show MoreRelatedOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 PagesPHILADELPHIA Temple University Press 1601 North Broad Street Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright  © 2010 by Temple University All rights reserved Published 2010 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Essays on twentieth century history / edited by Michael Peter Adas for the American Historical Association. p. cm.—(Critical perspectives on the past) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4399-0269-1 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-1-4399-0270-7Read MoreOrganisational Theory230255 Words   |  922 Pagesdilemmas. The book engages in an imaginative way with a wealth of organizational concepts and theories as well as provides insightful examples from the practical world of organizations. The authors’ sound scholarship and transparent style of writing set the book apart, making it an ingenious read which invites reflexivity, criticalness and plurality of opinion from the audience. This is a book that will become a classic in organization studies. Mihaela L. Kelemen, Professor of Management Studies, KeeleRead MoreDeveloping Management Skills404131 Words   |  1617 PagesWeidemann-Book Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on appropriate page within text. Copyright  © 2011, 2007, 2005, 2002, 1998 Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Prentice Hall, One Lake Street, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey 07458. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by Copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproductionRead MoreStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 Pages10.5/12 ITC New Baskerville Std Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on the appropriate page within text. Copyright  © 2013, 2011, 2009, 2007, 2005 by Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Prentice Hall. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by Copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrievalRead MoreFundamentals of Hrm263904 Words   |  1056 Pagessave money From multiple study paths, to self-assessment, to a wealth of interactive visual and audio resources, WileyPLUS gives you everything you need to personalize the teaching and learning experience.  » F i n d o u t h ow t o M A K E I T YO U R S  » www.wileyplus.com ALL THE HELP, RESOURCES, AND PERSONAL SUPPORT YOU AND YOUR STUDENTS NEED! 2-Minute Tutorials and all of the resources you your students need to get started www.wileyplus.com/firstday Student support from an experiencedRead MoreProject Managment Case Studies214937 Words   |  860 PagesCorporation 37 Goshe Corporation 43 Acorn Industries 49 MIS Project Management at First National Bank Cordova Research Group 70 Cortez Plastics 71 L. P. Manning Corporation 72 Project Firecracker 74 56 CONTENTS Phillip Condit and Boeing 777: From Design and Development to Production and Sales 81 AMP of Canada (A) 105 AMP of Canada (B) (see handout provided by instructor) AMP of Canada (C) (see handout provided by instructor) Lipton Canada 118 Riverview Children s Hospital 124 The Evolution

Wednesday, May 13, 2020

Passing As An Integral Part Of African American Literature

Kevan Josephs 04/29/15 Dr. Rose-Brown ENGL-244 Caucasia â€Å"Passing as white is, of course, how modernists would have understood the term. But even in this, its first cultural sense, passing is far more complicated than the notion of Wearing a mask or of assuming a fraudulent identity would suggest†¦Passing—actual and Imaginary, conscious and unconscious—at once produced profound shifts in thinking About the boundaries of identity and aroused ambivalence about those shifting, unstable Borders† (Caughie 387). This Quote is from Pamela Caughie‟s article â€Å"Passing as Modernism† which defines the reason behind passing, According to Caughie passing isn t simply pretending to be white, but is way for an individual to shift the†¦show more content†¦While there are parallels in traditional novels of passing; including fear, sacrifice, isolation, and conflict, Danzy Senna‟s Caucasia, novel falls within a different category of having a mixed-race character who willing embraces both their black and white identities. This presents the controversy of passing and racial identity, separately from Nella Larsen‟s Quicksand and Jessie Fauset‟s Plum Bun in which their mixed race characters primarily wish to embrace their white identity. Caucasia being set after the civil right act, describes the personal story of Birdie Lee, a young biracial girl growing up in Boston in the late 70’s to early 80’s. Birdies’ fath er is a black intellectual who has risen up from the tenacious circumstances of his youth, he spends most of his time preoccupied with his theories of origins and effects of racism; her mother on the other hand comes from and aristocrat family to which the book refers to as â€Å"blue-blood†, she is a turned revolutionary who is concerned more with direct action against racism than its theory. Birdie’s older sister Cole, has darker skin than Birdie and is noted that the two do not look very much alike, but they however have a very exclusive relationship and even share their own language called Elemento. Birdie is very fond of Cole as she was the first person she saw when she was born â€Å"Before I ever saw myself, I saw my sister. When I was

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Mkt 421 Week 3 Learning Team Submission Free Essays

Starbucks has a specific target audience for the company’s soup line. According to â€Å"Who Is Starbucks’ Target Audience? † (2012), â€Å"This audience is adult male and adult females from the ages of twenty-five to forty years old. This is approximately half of Starbucks total business† (para. We will write a custom essay sample on Mkt 421 Week 3 Learning Team Submission or any similar topic only for you Order Now 3). The company has another large target market audience. According to â€Å"Who Is Starbucks’ Target Audience? † (2012), â€Å"Starbucks’ second largest target market is forty percent of its business. This audience is between the ages of eight-teen to twenty-four† (para. 4). This helps the company to target a mature audience that will appreciate the wholesome goodness of the company’s soup line. One potently large target market the soup line will open up is catering business lunches. This will open up corporate America to the value that Starbucks presents. This corporate customer will not only purchase soup, but will also be able to purchase coffee with the order. This audience already consumes the company’s’ coffee, but goes elsewhere for their meal plans. This is also an attempt to gain customers from fast food establishments that would like a more upscale dining experience. This experience along with the other things like internet access is what Starbucks offers its customers. Who Is Starbucks’ Target Audience?. (2012). Retrieved from http://smallbusiness. chron. com/starbucks-target-audience-10553. html It might be argued that Starbucks is no more than a fast food company paralleling such chains as McDonalds, Wendy’s, and Taco Bell. The company appears to provide the same basic service customers expect from a fast food giant. One sharp marketing contrast however, consistently has Starbucks standing out far above the others. Starbucks Corporation counts on the same customers visiting their local stores daily and sometimes multiple times in a day. Most fast food chains cannot typically tout such a claim. Starbucks’ customer base is not necessarily specific to age, gender, or cultural origin. Starbucks customers are those who buy-in to the sophisticated image of the â€Å"Siren,† and all she represents. Many Americans have always loved good coffee and coffee drinking as a social event. Starbucks capitalizes on this tradition and caters to the coffee house crowd. In the minds of many, coffee houses represent a rather bohemian genre of artists, poets, and scholars. Starbucks customers know there is a bit of the coffee house crowd in all of us. The company markets a sense of social freedom that has timeless appeal. Starbucks customers like the feeling of exclusivity that being a Starbucks customer provides. Knowing the quirky Starbucks language is an example that is exclusively Starbucks. Starbucks language is a kind of mix of Italian and English. For example, beverage preparers are referred to as â€Å"baristas. Beverage titles like â€Å"caramel macchiato,† and â€Å"Triple, Vente, no foam, three Splenda, skinny, latte,† are fun to say and make the customer feel worldly and sophisticated. Ordering the exclusively Starbucks â€Å"frappacino† satisfies that strange attraction Americans seem to have toward all things European; never mind that the trademarked word frappacino is not a real word in any language. In addition, S tarbucks customers value time and are often master jugglers and multitaskers. Schedules that often overlap career, academics, and family needs are common among Starbucks customers. The new, â€Å"Cup of Comfort† line of gourmet soups provides customers a way to grab a healthy bite of lunch or dinner without interrupting an already busy day. Soccer mom can swing through the drive through so little Bobby or Jennifer can eat a healthy meal before practice and mom can get a quick boost to keep her going. â€Å"Cup of Comfort,† adds an appealing element to the Starbucks menu and satisfies a need for something substantial and healthy in customers’ diets during an afternoon or evening visit to this favorite gathering place. How to cite Mkt 421 Week 3 Learning Team Submission, Essay examples

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

Employment Relations for Global Legal Monitor- myassignmenthelp

Question: Why the minimum wage rates in New Zealand considered in need of change? Answer: The workers work for some payment in return for the work or services performed by them. The employers must abide by with the laws governing the minimum wage claims for all the workers comprising of adults, starting out workers, trainees and disabled workers. The minimum wage rates apply to all the workers with age of 16 years and above, comprising of full and part time, casual, working from home, fixed term employees and who are paid wages , salaries and commission and piece rates (Employment New Zealand ,2018). The wage rate in New Zealand is governed by Minimum Wage Act 1983. The minimum wage rates have been increased from $16.50 per hour and $ 660 for 40 hours per week. The reasons for the increase in the wage rates are that the purchasing power of the citizens of New Zealand has been decreased by 23.9 %. To enhance the living standards of the citizens of New Zealand, the government has increased the minimum wage rates. Additionally, to increase the Gross Domestic Product of the Economy, the government should increase the minimum wages. Since the monetary compensation given to labor and their spending habits shall increase the purchasing power so higher minimum wages would create more demand for goods and services which boosts the economy. Another reason for increasing the minimum wages is to increase the productivity of the industries. Since higher wages insist the business to employ more productive resources such as effective equipment and machinery which would make them competitive on a national and international level. It also helps to keep in pace with the inflation as the annual inflation rate in New Zealand is 0.1 % and increase in the minimum wages by 3.4 % shall help the workers with sufficient money for their survival (Library of Congress,2016). So, to conclude, the minimum wages should be increased to ensure the economic progress of the employees, employers and of the country as well. References Employment New Zealand (2018). Pay and wages. Retrieved April 30th, 2018 from https://www.employment.govt.nz/hours-and-wages/pay/ Library of Congress (2016). Global Legal Monitor. Retrieved April 30th, 2018 from https://www.loc.gov/law/foreign-news/article/new-zealand-minimum-wage-to-increase-to-15-25-per-hour/

Thursday, April 2, 2020

Bill Clinton Essays (433 words) - Rodham Family, Blythe,

William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton (born William Jefferson Blythe III, August 19, 1946)[1] was the 42nd President of the United States from 1993 to 2001. At 46 he was the third-youngest president; only Theodore Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy were younger when entering office. He became president at the end of the Cold War, and as he was born in the period after World War II, he is known as the first baby boomer president.[2] His wife, Hillary Rodham Clinton, is currently the United States Secretary of State. She was previously a United States Senator from New York, and also candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2008. Both are graduates of Yale Law School. Clinton was described as a New Democrat and was largely known for the Third Way philosophy of governance that came to epitomize his two terms as president.[3] His policies, on issues such as the North American Free Trade Agreement and welfare reform, have been described as centrist.[4][5] Clinton presided over the longest period of peace-time economic expansion in American history (which was initiated under President George H.W. Bush), which included a balanced budget and a federal surplus. The Congressional Budget Office reported a surplus of $236 billion in 2000, the last full year of Clinton's presidency.[6] On the heels of a failed attempt at health care reform with a Democratic Congress, Republicans won control of the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years.[7] Two years later, in 1996, Clinton was re-elected and became the first member of the Democratic Party since Franklin D. Roosevelt to win a second full term as president.[8] Later he was impeached for per jury and obstruction of justice, but was subsequently acquitted by the U.S. Senate.[9][10] During his presidency he was accused of adultery, sexual harassment, sexual assault, and rape. Clinton left office with an approval rating at 66%, the highest end of office rating of any president since World War II.[11] Since then, he has been involved in public speaking and humanitarian work. Clinton created the William J. Clinton Foundation to promote and address international causes such as treatment and prevention of HIV/AIDS and global warming. In 2004, he released his autobiography My Life, and was involved in his wife Hillary's 2008 presidential campaign and subsequently in that of President Barack Obama. In 2009, he was named United Nations Special Envoy to Haiti.[12] In the aftermath of the 2010 Haiti earthquake, Clinton teamed with George W. Bush to form the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund.

Sunday, March 8, 2020

Challenges of Writing Papers for Students Confessions of an Academic Writer

Challenges of Writing Papers for Students Confessions of an Academic Writer Challenges of Writing Papers for Students: Confessions of an Academic Writer People who are unaware of what it is like to be an academic freelance writer might say it is a swell job: you can work in your pajamas at home, you have a flexible schedule, and drink vodka while you pound out essays and articles (though not advised). However, when one is writing papers for students, there are a bunch of messy details: usually, students provide any minimal instructions, you can have grueling periods of work, and your head can almost explode with the amount of information you have to take in. Messy Instructions Sometimes, students simply write â€Å"do my essay† in the instructions field of the order form. Or even worse, students provide instructions that make no sense. For example: â€Å"Write a compare and contrast essay that shows the cause and effect through a case study format.† Somehow, you are supposed to read the student’s mind and create a masterpiece. In the worse case scenario, they provide super vague instructions and wont even message you back about giving more details and then get mad at you for writing something that they didn’t want. You just feel like slamming your head against your desk. Flexible Extended Working Hours Another overlooked part of being a freelance academic writer for students is that you can work for 12 or more hours in a day. Say you took an order to write a dissertation in five days and it amounts to 50 pages. The student who ordered that dissertation can, at the last moment, send you a message, and say something like, â€Å"Actually, I wanted to write about something different. Can you change the wording around in the whole document and change section 4-11 accordingly.† It is now midnight on a Friday and you just worked your butt off for a week, and essentially have to do the work all over again. Your weekend is gone and your enthusiasm for the project will most likely drop dramatically. Excess of Information It might seem cool to be constantly learning about many things (although seemingly random) and increasing your education, so to say. But, the flip-side of this is that it is easy to get overloaded with information. Writer’s brain, after a day’s work, usually feels like it has been smashed by two thousand articles, words, and ideas. Writers barely have the energy to do anything creative or useful after work. They just feel like playing video games, watching a movie, or sitting on the couch and staring at a wall. By the time writers feel mentally fresh again, it is time to go to sleep. This amassing of information can truly affect one’s work, as the brain can only handle so much information at a time. Writers make more mistakes in my writing in general simply because they have to cope with massive amounts of information each day, which are usually disconnected from each other. As you can see, being an academic paper writer for students is not a dream job. Instead, it is a rewarding preoccupation with plenty of downsides, like dealing with unclear instructions, having an unhealthy amount of work to do at times, and being consistently overloaded with information. Stress is a common factor in the life of an academic writer for students  Ã‚  the kind of stress that makes you want to do something else.

Thursday, February 20, 2020

Statistical Process Control Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Statistical Process Control - Essay Example There are many factors that affect the scenario like mental focus, body strength, direction of air, kick intensity, shoe structure and level of tiredness etc. Despite these factors the players are selected in teams for their marksmanship. The question that arises here is that if a player cannot exhibit exactly same performance again and again then what the criterion of a player selection is? The answer to this question is very simple. Players are selected on the basis of level of control and their consistency to exhibit that ranged control over and over again. For example if a bull’s eye miss rate of a shooter remains in certain acceptable limits then he would be considered in control of his expertise. Evans J. R. (1991) in his book, indicates that a production process generally comprise of the entities namely People, Materials, Machines, Measurements and Methods. It is observed that these factors are the main causes of variations in a production process. The causes of variati ons are observed to be of two types. Common causes: That can be reduced by introducing changes in the process but cannot be eliminated completely. For example using a better version of sail may improve the output of yachting endeavor. Special causes: however are easy to be figured out and eliminated. For example upon discovery of a malfunction a machine repair can re-align the process of production etc. As mentioned earlier that despite the absence of exact replication, the process are considered and relied upon due to the â€Å"Under Control Factor†, the inception of process control seems essential for almost all processes. The Fundamental Concepts And Aims Of SPC: Regarding the assurance of product quality the conventional approach is to inspect the product after manufacturing in order to pass it or to reject it. This approach is found to be less economical and wasteful since a whole lot of manufactured product may be rejected due to a consistent production flaw. A better a pproach is to timely stop the flawed process of production in order to curb manufacturing of products that do not meet the required specifications. The process oriented approach that emphasizes on analysis of production data produced at runtime in order to control the quality of the product by keeping its construction between specifically determined limits is called Statistical Process Control. The term â€Å"Statistical† indicates the involvement, study and analysis of numeric data values that hold production information. The SPC comprises of, Selection of Observation Samples from process of production. Quality Characteristics Measurement. Data recording and calculations. Construction of Control Charts and other assisting graphs. Chart analysis for problem identification. Cause determination and rectification in case of a problem. The approach of SPC is aimed towards, Optimizing the cost – production ratio. Facilitating the production operators in identifying the prob lems that arise due to the usage of inappropriate materials, tools and equipments. Enabling the operators to determine the normal control limits and bearable ranges of variations in order to ease the process of frequent machine adjustments. Enabling the production managers to assess the capability extent of the production process to which it can produce a product within control limits. Supporting decision making regarding purchase of new equipment. Keeping

Tuesday, February 4, 2020

Report on two water provision methods Lab Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

On two water provision methods - Lab Report Example 21). This describes the situation of arid and semi-arid areas that constitute 30% of the land surface in the world. This means the areas may experience periods of sporadic water shortages, which may threaten the development of the community as well as the lives of the population. The situation is addressed through the establishment of water demand and supply balance that is multifaceted through the incorporation of water provision projects in the regional planning needs. The projects so incorporated should be tailor made to suit the specific problems of the region. Methods of water provision in arid areas The provision of water process may incorporate a diverse range of methods that seek to establish a stable and renewable water supply and demand chain for the arid regions. These options range from the construction of dams to create reservoirs, desalinization processes, ground water reserves exploration, reusing of wastewater, and enhancing rainwater collection methods. However, some factors in the regions serve to rule out some options as the preferred modes. The option of rainwater collection is ruled out if the area receives minimal annual rainfall amounts. The area also requires a steady source of water in the form of a river, for the construction of a dam (Cipollina, Micale, and Rizzuti, 2009, p. 45). The amount of water availed by reusing is dependable on the amount available for use in the first place. This leaves desalinisation processes and the exploration of ground water reserves as the most viable options. Background information of the two methods 1) Desalinisation processes Desalinization also referred to as desalination, is a term used for any of the processes used to remove the large quantities of salts and minerals contained in saline water. The aim of the processes is to produce fresh water that is suitable for incorporation in irrigation and human consumption. The processes are preferred as they produce salts as byproducts that are used in the production of other products. This method of water provision is applicable in the setting of arid areas as most have underground water reserves that are high in salt content that make them unfit for human consumption and other general-purpose applications like irrigation (Wang 2008, p. 24). The method is specifically suitable for arid areas like Egypt and Israel that are next to unlimited saline water reserves in the form of the sea. 2) Underground water exploration Ground water is the collection of water in the ground that results from the infiltration and percolation of water from various forms of precipitation ranging from rainfall to snow, which is then trapped in bedrock consisting impermeable rocks. The location of these water resources is not restricted to specific regions as it is found nearly everywhere (Raghunath2007, p. 71). However, the usable and reliable quantities are only found in rock formations known as aquifers with sufficient voids between them enabling the holdi ng and conducting of water. This means that most arid areas are sitting on large water reserves that may act as stable water supply sources in the areas if they are explored (Webb 2006, p. 12). Comparison between the two methods Processes used i) Desalinization Originally, the processes of desalinization applied vacuum distillation processes to separate the salts from the water. This involved the boiling the saline water in pressure conditions that are much

Monday, January 27, 2020

Whole Grain Consumption as a Target for Obesity Intervention

Whole Grain Consumption as a Target for Obesity Intervention Policy Options for Increasing Whole Grain Consumption as a Target for Obesity Intervention Tamar Roomian Executive Summary This policy brief will focus on whole-grain consumption in the United States population as a target for obesity intervention. Over one-third of U.S. adults are obese, and can contribute to heart disease, stroke, type 2 diabetes, and some cancers. The estimated annual cost of obesity was $147 billion (in 2008 dollars) (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014). Recent scientific evidence has associated refined grain consumption and lack of whole grain consumption with obesity and its complications. According to the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), a majority of adults are deficient in whole grains and fiber. Given the widespread scope of the obesity epidemic, this is problematic, as it has been demonstrated by epidemiological evidence that whole grain consumption is inversely associated with abdominal fat and weight gain. Currently, there are no policies regarding whole grain consumption beyond Food and Drug Administration (FDA) regulations for labeli ng number of whole grain grams per serving. Therefore, a policy to increase population-wide whole grain consumption may reduce population-wide weight gain, associated health outcomes, and economic impact. This policy brief will discuss three policy options. The first option is to impose a labeling requirement for manufactured products to report percentage whole grain, in conjunction with dietary guidelines to limit refined grain consumption, in order to encourage food manufacturers to voluntarily reformulate their products consistent with consumer demand. The second option is to require that whole grains be the default option at restaurants by taking advantage of the â€Å"default effect,† or the phenomenon that individuals tend to stick with the default choice. However, testing would be required to ensure that the nudge is indeed effective. The third option is to impose a refined grain tax to disincentivize purchase. A tax would generate government revenue, but would meet heavy resistance from the food manufacturing industry. Context and Importance of Problem According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), over one-third of U.S. adults are obese, and can contribute to heart disease, stroke, type 2 diabetes, and some cancers. The CDC estimates that the annual cost of obesity was $147 billion in 2008 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014). Obesity is a complex problem requiring many solutions at multiple levels. Recent scientific evidence has associated refined grain consumption and lack of whole grain consumption with obesity and its complications. This policy brief will therefore focus on whole-grain consumption in the United States population. Whole grains are defined as â€Å"grains that still have the endosperm, germ, and bran present in the same proportion of the intact grain.† The outer bran and inner germ are a source of dietary fiber, b-vitamins, iron, magnesium, vitamin E, as well as other potential unmeasured nutrients that are lost in processing when manufactured as refined grains (McKeown, Troy, Jacques, Hoffmann, ODonnell, Fox, 2010). Processing whole grain to white flour increases caloric density by 10% and decreases fiber content by 80% (Gross, Li, Ford, Liu, 2004). Gross et al. examined trends in refined grain consumption over the twentieth century using the National Nutrient Data Bank to obtain nutrient content of the U.S. food supply, and food availability data from the Economic Research Service and Nutrient Data Laboratory of the Agricultural Research Service. They concluded that since 1963, consumption for carbohydrates increased from 374 g/day to 500 g/day, but fiber intake did not increase proportionally, indicating that refined-grain consumption increased (Gross et al., 2004). According to the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), a dataset from a nationally represented nutrition questionnaire, only 4.9% of adults 19-50 years of age and 6.6% of adults 51 years and over consume the government recommended three or more whole grain servings. Approximately 72% of adults 19-50 and 66% of adults 51 and over consumed less than .6 servings of whole grains. Mean dietary fiber intake was 16.1 grams, below the government recommended 25-30 grams per day (O’Neil, Zanovec, Cho, Nicklas, 2010). This is problematic, as whole grain and fiber consumption is associated with lower body weight in the NHANES (O’Neil et al., 2010). Moreover, in a study using the Framingham Heart Study cohort, whole grain consumption was inversely associated with waist circumference and abdominal fat after controlling for confounders. Abdominal fat is strongly associated to metabolic risk factors including glucose intolerance, hypertension, dyslipidemia, and insulin resistance (McKeown et al., 2010). Using the Nurses’ Health Study and Health Professionals Follow-up Study, a very large longitudinal cohort of female nurses and male health professionals, whole grain consumption was inversely associated with long-term weight gain, while consumption of refined grains was positively associated with weight gain, after controlling for physical activity, television use, alcohol use, sleep duration, smoking and diet. The authors suggest that increased consumption of whole grains is therefore ass ociated with a greater reduction of intake of other foods, because fiber slows digestion and increases satiety. (Mozaffarian, Hao, Rimm, Willett, Hu, 2011). Policy Options Therefore, based on the above scientific evidence, the goal of policy is to increase consumption of whole grains while decreasing consumption of refined grains. Even if the reduction to the individual is small, because most Americans are exposed (i. e. consumers of refined grains), a modest reduction in the entire population could therefore make a large impact (Rose, 2008). While whole grain requirements have already been added to the national school lunch program, this does not address the majority of U.S. adults, as they do not attend public school (Grain requirements for the National School Lunch Program and School Breakfast Program, 2012). Evidence for policy options can be derived from previous policy regarding trans fat, sodium, and sugar-sweetened beverages, as there has been strong scientific evidence to associate their consumption with poorer health outcomes, and subsequent policies have followed. The first option is to institute a labeling requirement so that manufacturers must clearly label the percentage of whole grain in the product, as recommended by the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI). Current FDA regulations only prohibit false or misleading labeling. However, according to the CSPI, even with FDA regulations, current whole-grain labeling by manufacturers based is still misleading, as items accurately labeled as ‘made with whole grains† can still be primarily comprised of refined grains (CSPI, 2012) Requiring labeling may cause manufacturers to change formulations on their own volition. For example, In the United States, mandatory trans fat labeling decreased trans fatty acid content in manufactured foods, even without substantially increasing saturated fat (Uauy et al., 2009). In a study of 5000 chip and cookie products before and after the mandatory labeling requirement, led to a reduction of 45% and 42% respectively (Van Camp, Hooker, Lin, 2012). Bakery products reduced their trans fat level by 73% after the labeling requirement (United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), 2013). It is important to note that the labeling requirement was in conjunction with the USDA’s 2005 dietary recommendations to â€Å"limit trans fatty acid consumption as low as possible.† (USDA, 2008). In contrast, the current 2010 dietary recommendations for whole grains state that at least half of servings eaten each day should be whole, rather than an explicit limit on refined grains. Labeling and the USDA requirement would therefore need to be concurrent to be most effective. In addition, changes in labeling assumes consumers will be able to understand the new labels, and therefore influence their choice of item. If the labels indeed drive consumer demand, this can provide a motivating force for manufacturers to change formulations in conjunction with the labels. The advantage is minimal government intervention beyond dietary guidelines and labeling requirements. The manufacturers would voluntarily change their product formulations because of consumer demand. Consumers w ould still have autonomy over their choices. Consumers would likely support this policy as it could increase access to information and better inform consumer choice. Food manufacturers would likely oppose this policy, as it would require testing, new labeling, and possible product reformulations, which would increase costs, unless the food manufacturers are highly motivated by consumer demand for the reformulations. A second option is to require that whole grains be the â€Å"default† option at restaurants. The default effect is defined as â€Å"the tendency for decision makers to stick with the default or the option that takes effect if one does make an explicit choice.† (Li and Chapman, 2013). Previous evidence for the default effect is with regards to the McDonald’s Happy Meal, which changed to reduce the French fry serving size, include apples without caramel dipping sauce, and low fat or fat-free chocolate milk in place of soda. Analysis of item-level transaction data that included the children’s meals pre and post meal changes showed that the average meal after changes were initiated reduced calories by 18% (although it is worth noting that the study was partially funded by McDonald’s) (Wansink Hanks, 2014). However, despite success with the Happy Meal, â€Å"nudges† are not always successful, and testing should be conducted before any policy enac ting. The third option is to impose a tax on refined grain foods to discourage purchase. The government may benefit by using the revenue generated by the tax towards health prevention programs. Currently, taxes on harmful substances such as cigarettes can be more easily justified due to their addictive nature, strong evidence towards poorer health outcomes, and their lack of requirement for survival. However, taxes on food items can be unpopular and difficult to enact. Political climates may eventually change, easing passage of this type of policy. For example, New York City’s soda tax was unpopular at the time, but as evidence against sugar-sweetened beverages increased, the idea has become trendy and the political climate has changed. Mexico recently adopted a 10% soda tax which has resulted in a 5% decline in Coca Cola sales (Guthrie, 2014). San Francisco and Berkley, California, are now imposing a soda tax. Past efforts in United States cities have failed due to heavy lobbying b y the food manufacturing industry, as the PepsiCo Inc, Coca Cola Co., and the American Beverage Association have spent $70 million on lobbying and issue ads (Stanford, 2012). References Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2014f). Obesity and Overweight for Professionals: Data and Statistics: Adult Obesity DNPAO CDC. Retrieved October 13, 2014, from http://www.cdc.gov/obesity/data/adult.html Center for Science in the Public Interest (2012). Misleading whole grain claims rampant on store shelves. Retrieved from http://wholegrainscouncil.org/files/CSPI_wgclaimsPR.pdf. Gross, L. S., Li, L., Ford, E. S., Liu, S. (2004). Increased consumption of refined carbohydrates and the epidemic of type 2 diabetes in the United States: an ecologic assessment. The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 79(5), 774–779. Guthrie, A. (2014, February 26). Mexico Soda Tax Dents Coke Bottler’s Sales. Wall Street Journal. Retrieved from http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303801304579407322914779400 Li, Meng, Chapman, G. B. (2013). Nudge to health: Harnessing decision research to promote healthy behavior. Social and Personality Psychology Compass 7(3), 187-198. Retrieved from http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/faculty/pylyshyn/Proseminar13/NudgeToHealth.pdf. McKeown, N. M., Troy, L. M., Jacques, P. F., Hoffmann, U., O’Donnell, C. J., Fox, C. S. (2010). Whole- and refined-grain intakes are differentially associated with abdominal visceral and subcutaneous adiposity in healthy adults: the Framingham Heart Study. The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 92(5), 1165–1171. doi:10.3945/ajcn.2009.29106 Mozaffarian, D., Hao, T., Rimm, E. B., Willett, W. C., Hu, F. B. (2011). Changes in Diet and Lifestyle and Long-Term Weight Gain in Women and Men. The New England Journal of Medicine, 364(25), 2392–2404. doi:10.1056/NEJMoa1014296 O’Neil, C. E., Zanovec, M., Cho, S. S., Nicklas, T. A. (2010). Whole grain and fiber consumption are associated with lower body weight measures in US adults: National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 1999-2004. Nutrition Research (New York, N.Y.), 30(12), 815–822. doi:10.1016/j.nutres.2010.10.013 Rose, G. (2008). Rose’s Strategy of Preventive Medicine. Oxford University Press. Stanford, D. D. (2012, March 13). Anti-Obesity Soda Tax Fails as Lobbyists Spend Millions: Retail. Retrieved October 18, 2014, from http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-03-13/anti-obesity-soda-tax-fails-as-lobbyists-spend-millions-retail.html Uauy, R., Aro, A., Clarke, R., L’Abbà ©, M. R., Mozaffarian, D., Skeaff, C. M., †¦ Tavella, M. (2009). WHO Scientific Update on trans fatty acids: summary and conclusions. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 63, S68–S75. doi:10.1038/ejcn.2009.15 USDA. (2008) Chapter 6 Fats. In Dietary Guidelines for Americans 2005. Retrieved from http://www.health.gov/dietaryguidelines/dga2005/document/html/chapter6.htm. USDA. (2013). Food companies reduced trans fats in new products from 2005 to 2010. (2013.). Retrieved October 13, 2014, from http://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/detail.aspx?chartId=40991#.VDwdDhbUKAc Van Camp, D., Hooker, N. H., Lin, C.-T. J. (2012). Changes in fat contents of US snack foods in response to mandatory trans fat labelling. Public Health Nutrition, 15(06), 1130–1137. doi:10.1017/S1368980012000079 Wansink, B., Hanks, A. S. (2014). Calorie reductions and within-meal calorie compensation in children’s meal combos. Obesity, 22(3), 630–632. doi:10.1002/oby.20668

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Surprising Similarities and Striking Differences :: Free Essay Writer

Surprising Similarities and Striking Differences Daniel Defoe wrote Moll Flanders in 1722, almost one hundred years before Charlotte Bronte finished Jane Eyre. Despite the difference in the times of writing, they bore apparent similarities. Nevertheless the writers adopted different techniques to portrait two heroines. The two novels were both growth novels, to a certain extent, which depicted the changes of the heroines as they grew up. In order to illustrate the changes, the authors employed similar plots and writing skills. The two novels both started from foster families and ended with happy marriages. Perhaps the authors wanted to cast some light on the fact that a broken family had a far-reaching effect on a child’s life. Jane Eyre became rebellious and self-isolated in her struggles at Gateshead while Moll Flanders’ childhood foreshadowed her helplessness and powerlessness throughout her life. In fact the two foster homes differed greatly. Gateshead was a hostile place, which cultivated a strong and independent-minded Jane, so that she could overcome various difficulties in her life on her own. Moll Flanders was not so lucky. Her foster mother was impoverished but extremely kind. Therefore after she died, innocent Moll was thrown into an unfriendly world suddenly. Soon she was seduced, which marked the beginning of her miserable life. Both authors carried a strong sense of family. Jane took after her mother to be a stubborn lover. At despair she appealed for her mother ‘s help wh en she was praying for Mr. Rochester. In the end it’s her family that saved her from the edge of death and treated her with enthusiastic hospitality, quite in contrast with the hostile family of Gateshead. Family had a special meaning for her. Interesting enough it’s her family again who made her rich and in some way made it possible for the reunion of the couple. As to Moll Flanders, she went through what her mother did in almost the same way: from a decent woman to a shameless whore then to a thief, at last experiencing a narrow escape from the gallows. Like Jane she met her family at last quite unexpectedly in an exotic place. Despite all the suffering they had born, the endings of the two novels were happy. They could marry their beloved ones and lead tranquil and rich lives. It seemed that a happy marriage and a rich life were the best endings an author could come up with for a woman at that time.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Evil in Macbeth Essay

Shakespeare’s powerful play Macbeth effectively explores the nature of evil and its effects and costs. He examines what causes people to commit evil acts such as ambition, greed and lust for power through themes, characters, language and dramatic techniques. The theme of the play is that uncontrolled ambition can make people do evil things but that evil never wins in the end. The play shows the battle between good and evil and the cost of evil. Macbeth breaks the great chain of being by killing the king. Shakespeare provides a lesson for the audience by showing the cost of evil deeds. Macbeth loses the respect of his friends and countrymen, loses interest in life and is killed, while Lady Macbeth’s guilt causes her to commit suicide. In the play there are several motifs which illustrate the theme, including guilt blood. For example, when Lady Macbeth wants to become brave enough to go through with the murder of the king, she says â€Å"Make thick my blood†. Also when Macbeth is about to kill the king he sees an imaginary dagger which has â€Å"gouts of blood† on it. The play’s characters also portray evil and its effects through their actions and words. For example, Macbeth becomes corrupted by his â€Å"vaulting ambition† which turns him from â€Å"noble Macbeth† into an â€Å"untitled tyrant†. The witches know Macbeth has been overtaken by evil they say â€Å"something wicked this way comes† when he approaches them. To get what he wants Macbeth is prepared to do anything. This involves evil deeds like violence and deception. He even kills his friend Banquo when he realizes that Banquo suspects that he killed the king. He says, â€Å"our fears in Banquo stick deep†. Banquo by contrast is not corruptible so Macbeth must kill him. The cost of evil for Macbeth is that he has no peace after his evil deeds. He loses everything he valued – the crown, friendship, respect and his wife and his own life. Along the way he becomes paranoid as we see in the banquet scene where Banquo’s ghost appears as a â€Å"horrible shadow†. This shows us  that his conscience is torturing him and is giving him no peace. He also loses interest in life which is shown in his word,† Out, out, brief candle!/Life’s but a walking shadow† Shakespeare uses a range of figurative language to illustrate that evil deeds can’t bring rewards, Shakespear uses a metaphor â€Å"Upon my head they placed a fruitless crown† which show that even after he kills to get the crown it is an empty victory as he has no children to pass it on to. The cost of evil for Macbeth is also shown through dramatic devices such as the dagger scene where Macbeth resolves to kill the king. Through a soliloquy we find out the inner thoughts of Macbeth when he tells the audience that he can see a dagger floating in the air leading him to the king’s chamber. We are not sure if it’s real which adds to the ghostly and creepy atmosphere. He says, â€Å"I have thee not and yet I see thee still† and we can see that he indeed has a â€Å"heat oppressed brain’. Lady Macbeth badly wants to become queen and is prepared to do evil to get it. Ambition also corrupts her. She is the one who persuades Macbeth when he has second thoughts about killing the king by questioning his masculinity by saying, â€Å"Be so much more the man† and â€Å"To wear a heart so white†. She would have killed the king herself but he resembled her father. This shows how ruthless she has become. Lady Macbeth badly wants to become queen and ambition corrupts her. She is the one who persuades Macbeth to kill the king. She is concerned that M is too full of the â€Å"milk of human kindness† to carry out the murder of the king so she pushes him to do the deed by shaming his sense of manhood, â€Å"Be so much more the man .† She hatches the plot to kill the kill. Her evil is shown through her desire to stop being female. She says is calling to dark spirits to , â€Å"unsex me† and â€Å"fill me† with â€Å"direst cruelty† which means she actually wants to embrace evil completely. Shakespeare uses Figurative language to show Lady Macbeth’s deceitful character, for example he uses the symbol of blood to show her evilness and  her guilt. She says â€Å"Out damned spot† while sleepwalking. This scene also reflects the use of very good dramatic technique, the soliloquy to show the audience that although she does evil when awake, Lady Macbeth is bothered by guilt underneath. In this way Shakespeare further shows that evil cannot win over good and that nothing can hide evil. For example she says, â€Å"all the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten this little hand.† But she knows â€Å"what’s done cannot be undone†. In the end she can’t stand the guilt and kills herself. She pays the ultimate price with her life. The witches are introduced right at the start which tells the audience the play is about evil as witchcraft was considered very real and considered evil in Shakespeare’s times. The witches choose Macbeth to bring evil to life. They know he is corruptible and confirm this by saying â€Å"Something wicked this way comes†. The literary language used by the witches that makes it clear they are evil, for example, â€Å"We hover through the fog in the filthy air† They also say, â€Å"Eye of newt and toe of frog† which tells the audience they are cooking up a supernatural potion. The evil effect is also show in the rhythmic chant, â€Å"Double, double toil and trouble. Fire burn, and cauldron bubble.† All this creates a creepy and sinister atmosphere that suggests evil. The dramatic devices Shakespeare used to portray the witchcraft includes the setting which was a desolate place, the use of the cauldron and its evil ingredients like human body parts â€Å"Nose of Turk†. Shakespeare also uses apparitions which are conjured up as part of the prophecies of Macbeth’s future including a head in armour; the bloody child; and a child wearing a crown, holding a tree, which illustrate the witches’ prophesies. Macbeth by Shakespeare clearly shows the audience that it is not worth doing evil. He does this through exploration of themes, characters, language and  dramatic techniques and convinces the audience that evil never wins in the end. Gives the audience the clear message that evil can never win over good. In the play Macbeth he shows the audience what drives people to commit evil deeds and shows the cost of those actions. He also shows that evil can never bring any good. illustrates the attraction and cost of evil throughout the play through its plot, theme, characters, language and dramatic devices. Shakespeare shows us that evil cannot win and in the end goodness is restored.

Friday, January 3, 2020

The question surfaced - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 32 Words: 9657 Downloads: 7 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Soon after the Tito?s split with Stalin in 1948 at the beginning of the 1950s, the question surfaced as to how much foreign aid Tito?s Yugoslavia would need. The American economic analyst answered in terms of billions of U.S. dollars, and then one of the highest ranking American administration officials replied that it was important just to keep Tito afloat. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The question surfaced" essay for you Create order At the end of 1980s when Ante Markovic tried to keep his economic program going, only a few politicians in the West understood the importance of its implementation. The citizens of Yugoslavia were in desperate need of an identification symbol after the economic failure of self-management socialism and the collapse of the nonaligned movement. It would be the convertible dinar, for which Markovic fought as part of his economic program and which could not succeed without economic aid from the West. As A. Ross Johnson emphasized, the international community?including both the United States and the Soviet Union/Russian Federation?tried to maintain the status quo and hold together a Yugoslavia that had become an empty shell. Instead of seeking to facilitate a peaceful transformation, the international community attempted to perpetuate the ancien r?gime, and tried to preserve SFRY, it did very little to stop the violence. It thus bears considerable responsibility for the violence and insecurity that followed. Both the United States and Russia, along with other states, ignored the truth that no state, whatever its origins, can expect to survive without the support and at least the passive allegiance of most of its citizenry. According to most of Western authors, the foreigners, i.e. the political leaders from most of Europe and also the USA, in the late 1980s wanted desperately to keep the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia. Some other authors blame the West not only for the dissolution but also for the breakup of the former Yugoslavia into pieces in such a violent way. Also Slobodan Milo?evic started his defense in Hague by blaming the foreigners for the break up of Yugoslavia. Milo?evic, who was acting as his own lawyer in front of the Hague Tribunal, said: ?the international community was the main force for the destruction of Yugoslavia, accusing Germany, Austria, USA and Vatican?. There is a fundamental historical fact that one should proceed from the beginning when seeking to understand what lead to everything that happened in Yugoslavia ?.from 1991 until today, and that is the violent destruction of a European state Yugoslavia which originated from the statehood of Serbia, the only ally of the dem ocratic world in that part of the world over the past two centuries.? We as a team do not believe that, regardless of the policy of the foreigners towards the former Yugoslavia, it could possibly have been kept in one piece. It might have been possible that the dissolution process would have been more peaceful if the superpowers had acted differently. The ignorance with which European and non-European powers approached the Yugoslav situation is evident in a letter that one of the officials of the British Foreign Office wrote to an official of one of the Macedonian ?migr? organizations in May 1991, responding to the demand for recognition of Macedonia as an independent state: As you are no doubt aware, the Macedonian issue is seen differently by the Greeks, Yugoslavians and Bulgarians; Her Majesty?s Government is aware of the positions taken by the different groups. However, we feel that any problems which exist should be resolved by the parties concerned, and it would not be appropriate for Britain to intervene ? The team also agrees that the United States had a decisive role in the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia. There were three phases of U.S. policy in European wars in general: (1) The U.S.A. initially did not want to interfere in a primarily European problem? much as they didn?t during the wars of Europe in the first half of the 20th century. Then they started to interfere in their capacity as a superpower to end the fighting, first through (2) diplomacy and, finally, (3) armed intervention. U.S. policy toward Yugoslavia was also determined by domestic public opinion polls. The U.S. since 1948 supported united and?since Tito?s death?also democratic Yugoslavia. Even more, American diplomats and politicians occasionally tried to persuade Tito to democratize Yugoslavia. There were studies over the years for the State Department that described fully the complicated national makeup of Yugoslavia and questioned its future cohesion post-Tito. Some already in 1970s described scenarios of a disintegrating Yugoslavia. Our team member Ross Johnson defined pre-1991 U.S. policy as that of supporting a united, independent (non-Soviet) Yugoslavia during the Cold War. This was made clear at the time of President Nixon?s visit in September 1970 and on many other occasions. Democratization was largely ignored. Radio Free Europe never broadcast to Yugoslavia (until 1994). Johnson characterized U.S. policy toward the SFRY in the 1980s as one of ?malign neglect? and he wrote: ?Long-standing U.S. policy generally focused on all-Yugoslav and Belgrade-centered developments, bu t this was not explicitly or consciously ?pro-Serb.? He conducted a RAND policy study for the State Department in the early 1980s, drawing on extensive discussions with U.S. and Yugoslav officials in most of the republics, which attempted (without much success) to counter this ?centralistnot pro-Serb? American bias. The inconsistencies of U.S. policy during this period were evident from Ambassador Warren Zimmerman?s address to the International Institute for Strategic Studies Conference in Z?rich in September 1991, where he (1) called for support for the Ante Markovic government; (2) criticized German Foreign Minister?s Hans Dietrich Genscher?s approach to Yugoslavia; and (3) said Yugoslavia was a European and not an American issue. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) came out in October 1990 with the forecast that Yugoslavia would cease to function within one year and would probably dissolve within two. Also, according to this report: economic reform would not stave off the breakup. The agency predicted that Serbia would block Slovenian and Croatian attempts to secede from the Yugoslav confederation, that there would be a protracted armed uprising by the Albanians in Kosovo, and that Serbia would foment uprisings by Serbian minorities in Croatia and Bosnia. The CIA noted the danger of a slide from ethnic violence to organized civil war between republics but considered it unlikely. It concluded flatly that there was nothing the United States or its European allies could do to preserve unity and that Yugoslavs would see such efforts as contradictory to advocacy of democracy and self-determination. From historian?s point of view this report is relatively good analysis of the situation in then Yugoslavia. In the ?key judgements? the CIA analysts wrote that neither the Communist Party nor the Yugoslav National Army would be able to hold the federation together: The correctly found out that the party was in shambles and that the army lost prestige because of its stron g Communist Party identification and because much of the country considered it a Serb-dominated institution. They also wrote that no all Yugoslav political movement had emerged to fill the void left by the collapse of the Titoist vision of a Yugoslav state, and none will. Discussion on historic background, economy as well as maps and tables which followed in the CIA report are accurate and correct, which is important because of discussion on the controversy on the knowledge of highest US officials on what happened in Yugoslavia and the reasons for that what happened in the 1990s in former Yugoslavia which follows in this report. As then U.S. Ambassador to Belgrade Warren Zimmermann wrote in his memoirs, this prescient analysis erred only on Kosovo, which remained tense but quiet, and on the timetable for civil war, which unfolded even faster than predicted. In its main elements, the estimate proved dead accurate. He didn?t disagree with the CIA report findings?the embassy had been warning about breakup and violence for a year?but he saw its air of inevitability, in the perfervid atmosphere of Washington, as a major problem. He worried that its bald assertion that nothing could be done might take the heart out of American efforts to stave off the worst . He believed that the high cost of failure warranted continued American efforts to seek a formula for unity. ?This game can be won,? he argued in a piece of inflated advocacy in November. ?Dissolution is not inevitable.? In spite of CIA warnings, it became clear, if not before, then after the visit of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany in the second half of May 1991, that the United States did not want to get intensively involved in the Yugoslav crisis and that the U.S. would let the European states, especially the EC, try to solve it. The so-called CIA report tells us that the CIA analysts and their advisors knew well the Yugoslav situation and that they even predicted well what was to come. The question is, whether the politicians in the U.S. wanted to know it and whether the politicians wanted to act accordingly? There is also another question, if there was anything the international and therefore also U.S. politicians could do to prevent the eruption of the crisis? The senior George Bush?s administration was, however, too busy resolving the crisis in Iraq and did not want to be involved in another regional crisis. The key personalities of this period were U.S. Ambassador to Belgrade Warren Zimmermann; Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, who had also served as US Ambassador to Yugoslavia in late 1970s; and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft, who had served as military attach? in Belgrade in early 1960s. They represented the ?pro-Serbian lobby? in Bush Sr.?s administration, which was connected to Yugoslavia also through political and economic interests (e.g. the Yugo-America Company, in which Henry Kissinger, former U.S. secretary of state, took part). These members of the Bush administration at the beginning supported the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia and the reform policy of Ante Markovic, though not very effectively. The U.S. Secretary of State, James Baker, often said: ?We don?t have a dog in this fight,? and President Bush asked Scowcroft at least once a week: ?Tell me again what this is all about.? The U.S. politicians were then so na?ve (as they ignored the power of the national/ethnic movements and national/ethnic problems in general that could not be solved by economic measures) that they believed that the market-oriented economic reforms of Ante Markovic, along with financial aid from the West, especially the U.S.A., could stop nationalist and separatist tendencies. The question here is whether they really believed this or were they simply acting out of despair. The U.S.A. let the EU take the lead. Although its own diplomats closely followed the situation, including the building crisis in Kosovo, in the 1980s, they were not heard in the State Department. At the end of June 1991, the State Department tried to pacify the situation and appealed on the basis of following the principles of safeguarding human rights and democratic changes, which they said could help keep Yugoslavia together. Politics of Missed Opportunities (1990?June 1991) This is not the place to recount the well-known chronology of dissolution that followed the Slovenian plebiscite of December 1990. As Susan L. Woodward has argued, the core motivation of U.S. urgings for greater European participation was to ensure Europe?s responsibility for the transition in Eastern Europe. Many saw a more cynical motive to U.S. policy, however, as if it demanded from the Europeans that they prove their ability to go it alone and, in expectation of their inability to do so, served to demonstrate the continuing importance of NATO and U.S. leadership. But the decision to use the UN to organize the military coalition for Desert Storm was even more significant in its negative consequences for the Yugoslav conflict. With Yugoslavia?s long history of participation in the UN, strong ties with Third World countries, and non-membership in the EC or in NATO, the UN was the one international organization that could mount an external intervention that all parties in Yugoslavia would most likely accept as neutral and legitimate. UN preoccupation with Iraq and the use of the UN to protect a U.S. vital security interest sent the strong message that no such intervention would occur in Yugoslavia. For the Croats and Slovenes an important issue was to become a member of EC as soon as possible and as Slovenes and as Croats and not as ?Yugoslavs.? It might be oversimplification, but this was the thinking in the circles of Slovene intellectuals who gathered around Nova revija. Both the federal government and Slovene and Croatian politicians had been actively seeking explicit support from European institutions and governments for their separate programs. On 23 December 1990 the citizens of Slovenia, and on 19 May 1991 the citizens of Croatia, voted for independent states by a vast majority. Slovenia?s and Croatia?s drives for independence gained a substantial boost on 13 March 1991, when the European Parliament passed a resolution declaring ?that the constituent republics and autonomous provinces of Yugoslavia must have the right freely to determine their own future in a peaceful and democratic manner and on the basis of recognized international and internal borders.? While most European governments continued to support the federal government and to insist that the Yugoslavs stay together, the apparently uncontroversial nature of this declaration, as if fully in line with Council for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) principles, according to James Gow, demonstrates how far Slovenia and Croatia had influenced European opinion and how little chance there was that alternatives to republican sovereignty would be heard, as pointed out by Susan L. Woodward. The team concluded that Slovenia and Croatia had influenced European public opinion, but not to the extent that no alternatives to republican sovereignty would be heard. Successive European and US initiatives?the Vance Plan, the Cutileiro Plan, the Vance-Owen Plan, the Owen-Stoltenberg Plan, the Z4 Plan, etc.?were all ready to compromise the principle of republican sovereignty in one way or another. As Woodward suggested, Yugoslav Foreign Minister Budimir Loncar explicitly sought help in mediating the political crisis from the EC instead of the U.S.A., in the hope that this would energize political support for the federal government?s pro-Europe reforms and counteract mounting sympathy for Slovenia and Croatia. The question is, however, whether the federal government of the SFRY was sincere in its pro-European reforms. Woodward wrote also that Germany had already joined the ranks of Austria, Hungary, and Denmark in at least covert support and encouragement of Slovene and Croatian ind ependence. Unless and until evidence is produced to the contrary, the team must assume that Germany (and also Austria, Hungary, Dennmark etc. were not secretly working for Croatian/Slovenian independence at the beginning of 1991 Even at the beginning of the crisis in June 1991, according to the available sources, Germany did not intend to support the break up of Yugoslavia. During the last quarter of 1991, however it was Germany who persuaded EU and even the US later to recognize Slovenia and Croatia and BIH. This position is supported by the points made by then head of the South-Eastern European Section of the German Foreign Ministry Michael Libal in his Limits of Persuasion. This book provides the reader not only with the insights of a participant in the events but also with the very good analysis of a historian and political scientist. Libal claims that although the German parliamentarians demanded from German government recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in June of 1991, the German government tried to use the threat of recognition as a method of pressure on the Serbs of Croatia and the Yugoslav government to end the military fighting. It is interesting to note that the first to demand recognition were German Social-Democrats, who were then in opposition; but they were also very soon followed by Christian-Democrats of the government party of Chancellor Kohl. On 24 August, German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher called the Yugoslav ambassador in Bonn, Boris Frlec, to make clear the attitude of the German government not only to him but also, via an appropriate press release, to the public at large. Genscher denounced the action by the Serb irregulars and the army as efforts to change the internal borders by force and as a threat to the negotiation process, and demanded the withdrawal of the Yugoslav People?s Army (Jugoslavenska narodna armija ? JNA) to their barracks. With an explicit reference to the relevant decision of the last CSCE meeting, he also requested that the Yugoslav government establish control over the irregular armed forces. The cores of Genscher?s d?marche, however, were two sentences that raised the threat of recognition: ?If the bloodshed continues and the policy of faits accomplis by force supported by the Yugoslav army is not halted immediately, the Federal Government [of Germany] must seriously examine the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia in their given frontiers. It will also commit itself to a corresponding examination with the European Community? As Serbs did not give in and violence continued, Germany continued to pressure the EC to take action. While Germany reluctantly supported the independence of Slovenia and Croatia, the Soviet Union wanted Yugoslavia to be preserved at all costs. The Soviet Union expressed its views in a letter of 4 August 1991 to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in which it criticized the EC for not doing everything it could to solve the Yugoslav crisis. The policy of the Soviet Union towards Yugoslavia was based on the historical friendship of the Russians with the Serbs. Also the Orthodox religion bonded the Russians with the Serbs, as it had the Greeks. Already during the first period of the Yugoslav crisis, the Soviet Union had also experienced independence movements and declarations of independence of some of her Soviet republics, especially in the Baltic and Transcaucasian republics. Therefore the Soviet Union was predestined to be interested in preserving the unity of Yugoslavia. Soviet Foreign Minister Alexander Alexandrovich Bessmertnych had stated already in April 1991 that keeping the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia was ?one of the preconditions for stability in Europe.? At the beginning of July 1991, the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent written warning to all neighbors of Yugoslavia in which it warned them not to ?use? the Yugoslav crisis and to abstain from any activities that would tend to renew the old territorial demands of Bulgaria, Hungary, Albania, and Austria towards Yugoslavia; or in other words, they should abstain from any usage of Yugoslav dissolution movements to satisfy their own nationalistic interests. Soviet ambassadors in the countries neighboring Yugoslavia were given explicit instructions to do everything possible to convey a message that the Soviet Union supported preservation of Yugoslavia. It is important to note, however, that?in spite of the fact that the Soviet Union sent a message to the international community that she would not inactively look upon the activities of breaking up of Yugoslavia, especially involving any outside intervention?the Soviet political leadership decided that it would help Yugoslavia only politically through international institutions, and not militarily. The first deputy of Soviet Foreign Minister, Julij Mikhailovich Kwizinskiy even said that because of its internal political and economic problems, the absolute priority in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union was to have good relations with the U.S.A, Western Europe, and Germany in particular. Everything else was subordinated to that. Such a stand of the Soviet Union disappointed Serb politicians and the pro-Serbian leadership of the ?Yugoslav People?s Army.? According to the Yugoslav Defense Minister, General Veljko Kadijevic, the U.S.A. wanted to change the regime and the sociopolitical system in Yugoslavia. The assessment of the situation by Kadijevic and Jovic was that dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation with the policy of ?executed facts? (declarations of independence of Slovenia and Croatia, rebellions of Albanians in Kosovo, etc.) and other acts against the constitution would lead to civil war and the direct military interference of foreigners. All this, they stated, was part of a unified plan to destroy the SFRY as an independent and unified state. The Serb political leadership and most of the officers of the Yugoslav army still insisted on the doctrine of alertness to danger from a ?foreign enemy? that was developed in Socialist Yugoslavia after World War II. All the citizens of Yugoslavia had ?to carefully observe the actions of foreign enemies, who wanted to change the political system in Yugoslavia or who worked towards the dissolution of Yugoslavia.? Therefore we should not be surprised that they looked for the reasons for the crisis in the activities of foreigners and not in the unsolved Yugoslav national question, the more or less undemocratic regime, and other problems. The Yugoslav leadership also blamed Gorbachev, who, according to them ?cheaply sold out the ideas of socialism and communism.? His activities broke the Warsaw Agreement, broke socialism in Eastern Europe, destabilized the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, broke the established relations among powers in Europe, and enabled enemies of socialism to carry on thei r activities. In relation to the Yugoslav crises, countries in the non-aligned movement had different reactions. As one of the founders of the non-aligned movement and from 1989 again the presiding country, Yugoslavia enjoyed great respect; and many of the non-aligned countries (especially the African ones) owed a ?great debt? to Yugoslavia. Therefore the Yugoslav crisis presented a profound shock for many of them. A large gap in understanding of the Yugoslav crisis showed among some countries who supported the unity of Yugoslavia at all costs. Some Muslim countries (i.e. Algeria, Egypt, Malaysia, Pakistan, Iran, Tunisia, etc.) watched the events in the region of former Yugoslavia through the prism of an endangered situation for the Muslim population in Yugoslavia. This standpoint of Muslim countries towards the situation in Yugoslavia was a great disappointment, especially for the Serb politicians. After the meeting of the Coordination Bureau of the Non-Aligned on Bali, Indonesia, in May 1992, Jo vic wrote, among other things: ?Many countries which received help from Yugoslavia ? turned their back to us and did not become ashamed Support of the non-aligned countries (which then represented almost two thirds of the member states of the UN) would be very important for the Serb policy. Also Hungary, which then already wished to attain candidate status to join the EU and NATO, and due to its large Hungarian minority in Vojvodina (in Serbia). could not support the breakup of Yugoslavia. From May 1990, the Hungarian foreign political concepts became increasingly transparent and assertive on three objectives: European integration, good neighborly relations, and support for Hungarians in the neighboring countries. The Yugoslav tensions, however, complicated attempts to execute these objectives in tandem. In the given situation, the Hungarian government attempted to synchronize its decisions with the views of the West European and prominent international organizations, this did not mean, however, that contrary views were not expressed either by members of the government or in government circles. As Foreign Minister G?za Jeszenszky?rather unfortunately from the diplomatic point of view?stated publicly, Hungary aims to establish ?friendly? relations with Croatia and a ?cor rect? one with Serbia. The statement that Hungary did not support the dissolution of Yugoslavia is opposed by Jovic, who in his memoirs wrote that the U.S.A. in December 1990 asked Hungary to use all forces and with American help destroy the socialist system in Yugoslavia and also destroy the unity of Yugoslavia, and especially to take measures against Serbia.? According to Jovic, Americans viewed in Serbia the chief supporter of socialism in Yugoslavia. Therefore the U.S.A. blamed Hungary because Hungary did not get itself into position to influence politicians in Yugoslavia, but it did every effort in this regard. Jovic supported this by citing the import of weapons by Croatia from Hungary in 1990, which Croatia did illegally, from his point of view, to form its own army. In January 1991 a discussion took place at a meeting of the Presidency of SFRY. At the end of January 1991, Belgrade TV showed a film of Yugoslav counterintelligence services in which the Croatian Minister of Defense, General Martin ?pegelj, and Croatian Minister of the Interior Josip Boljkovac were caught talking about the import of 20,000 tommy-guns from Hungary. Hungarian historian Imre Szil?gyi wrote in his paper that the foreign secretary of the Hungarian government traveled to Belgrade and expressed regret over the ?tension created by the issue in the progressing Hungarian-Yugoslav relationship,? and also expressed his hope that the dispute could be amicably settled. The Hungarian government insisted that it was prepared to provide guarantees that such incidents would not occur in the future and expressed hope that re-established ties would be characterized by trust. Finally, the government issued a statement: ?The Hungarian government presumes with regard to its relations to Y ugoslavia that the Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic is a federative union of several nations. Yugoslavia?s borders are guaranteed by international documents, its statehood is organic to the European status quo which guarantees peace, security and cooperation on the continent, and Hungary is not interested in the destabilization of Yugoslavia.? However, the dispute was far from over, since the Hungarian State Secretary of the Defense Ministry, Erno Raffay, shortly after the arms delivery affair, asserted that the arms export prevented the intervention by the Yugoslav People?s Army in Croatia. In his reply, the Yugoslav deputy foreign minister pointed out that this statement is a classical example of interference in the country?s internal affairs, challenged the Hungarian government to state its position on the issue, and insisted that the affair was not yet closed. In this context, Slovene Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel presented a detailed description of the considerations (at times contradictory) of Hungarian politicians. Rupel arrived in Hungary on 22 January 1991 and held talks with Prime Minister J?zsef Antall and Foreign Minister Jeszenszky. Antall opined that a kind of fault-line runs through the so-called Central European region separating the countries influenced by Western Christianity from those influenced Byzan tine Christianity or Islam, and this fault-line runs through Yugoslavia itself. Antall emphatically praised Slovenia and Croatia as friendly countries and supported the independence aspirations of Slovenia. At the same time, however, he pointed out to the Slovenians that Milo?evic was holding the half-million (sic!) Hungarians in Serbia as hostages; hence Hungary had to refrain from taking hasty steps. On the other hand, he emphasized that the question of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as independent states must be coordinated with the European Community, the Council of Europe, and NATO. To the suggestion that Slovenia would be pleased if Hungary were to be among the first to recognize Slovenia, Antall replied that Hungary will not be the first to do so, adding that Slovenia would not benefit much even if Hungary did it in conjunction with Austria. At that time, nobody in Western Europe thought seriously about the disintegration of Yugoslavia. (Strangely, this meeting was not even mentioned in the Hungarian press). Italy, by contrast, remained in an ambivalent position. The Italian foreign minister, Gianni De Michelis, strongly supported a united Yugoslavia. In spring 1991 he said to his Slovene counterparts: ?My dear sirs, in Europe there is no place for new states, and I am sure that you do not want to emigrate to another continent.? He also opposed changing of internal Yugoslav borders. He expressed this standpoint very clearly at a conference of foreign ministers on 10 July 1991, where he also interceded on behalf of a system of minority protection that would be based on international law. This situation mirrors the special Italian experience: after World War II the German-speaking minority of South Tyrol had to give up its rights to self-determination in exchange for political autonomy within Italy. During the Yugoslav crisis this type of autonomy served as a possible model to solve the Serb problem in the so-called Krajinas. This would, in accordance with the political intentions of the I talian foreign minister, also hinder the widening of German influence towards the South-East (through independent Slovenia and Croatia) and protect Italian interests. France also fought for the further existence of a united Yugoslavia, basing its policy towards Yugoslavia on traditions of French-Serb friendship. From a strategic point of view, Yugoslavia was an important factor in European stability. Keeping together the Yugoslav federation would, in the French view, avoid spreading of separatist and nationalist tendencies in other European regions. On the other hand it would also thwart plans for establishing a new Mitteleuropa under German leadership. In an interview in Le Monde, French president Fran?ois Mitterrand said: ?I would like to remind [you]?of the answer of Bismarck to the question of why in 1866 after he won at Sadowa in a battle with Austria-Hungary, he did not divide this monarchy, as happened in 1918. Bismarck?s answer was: Austria-Hungary knows how to handle South Slavs. We [Germans] of course do not. Therefore he did not want to change the balance of power in the region In French policy also the standpoint developed that the rig hts and interests of the Serb minority in Croatia were threatened after Croatia declared its independence and they were no longer under the jurisdiction of federal Yugoslavia. Mitterrand said in an interview published in Le Monde on 9 February 1993. A Croatian Serb could feel threatened also in the past but he could feel protected by the federal state. He was a Yugoslav [citizen]. In independent Croatia he would become a Croat [citizen] and?according to his [Croatian Serb] opinion?because there is no guarantee from federal authorities for his minority protection, he must get guarantees for his rights from the other authorities in charge The French state was concerned with the question of the status of minorities in future newly established states, especially the rights of the Serb minority in Croatia. Also the pressure of Germany to recognize Slovenia and Croatia proved, from the French point of view, that Germany was protecting those republics. France on the one hand did not want to get involved in the war; on the other hand it had its own minority problems, especially with separatists in Corsica, Basques, as well as with new immigrant minorities, especially some militant Algerian groups. Great Britain tried to keep a low profile on the Yugoslav crisis, especially because the U.S.A., its greatest ally, did the same. On the other hand Great Britain also had to fight with centrifugal forces, especially in Wales, North Ireland, and Scotland, which did not always agree with the politics of the central government in London. In spite of the fact that Great Britain in history had intensive contacts with Serbia, it did not want to get involved. It also did not want to take the same side as France, with which it had estranged relations in the past and which was under pressure from Germany because it opposed recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Great Britain was, in spite of this, (at least indirectly) involved in the Yugoslav crisis as a member of NATO, the EC, the OSCE, the Western European Union (WEU), and the UN. The former British foreign secretary, Lord Peter Carrington, presided over an EC peace conference on Yugoslavia. British press commented on the attempts of Great Britain to keep Yugoslavia together as ?a fight against a German zone of influence? in the Balkans. The position of the Netherlands towards the Yugoslav crisis is also interesting, especially because the Netherlands presided over the EC in the second half of 1991. Since it was exactly at that point that the armed conflicts started in Yugoslavia, the role of the Netherlands was even more important. At the beginning of the conflict, Dutch Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers and Dutch Foreign Minister Hans van den Broek led the policy of keeping Yugoslavia united and of non?recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Therefore, the German newspaper Die Welt described van den Broek as behaving as if ?he would be minister of interior of Yugoslavia? and that he tried to show ?Croatians as aggressors.? According to Peter Zeitler, in the second half of 1991, van den Broek was the greatest opponent of the German initiative for recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Of course, historical animosities between the Netherlands and Germany played their role. The Austrian government was cautious about Yugoslavia; its statements had to be in accord with those of the EC because the Austrian government was then concerned about not disturbing Austria?s application for EC membership. The Austrian standpoint towards the Yugoslav crisis was influenced also by the fact that Slovenes and Croats live in Austria as autochthonous minorities (Karel Smolle, an ethnic Slovene from Carinthia and former member of Austrian Parliament was named representative of Prime Minister Peterle?s government) and that there were already then many Gastarbeiters from Yugoslavia working in Austria. Also, the Austrian economy was affected by the crisis. Austria was especially afraid of a great influx of refugees. There was an internal debate within Austrian government, as Austrian Chancellor Franz Vranitzky followed the path of his fellow Socialists in support of a united Yugoslavia, while his foreign minister, Alois Mock, was a leading advocate of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Mock also wanted to convince Europe to act; he even tried to convince the international community to intervene militarily. Austrian Chancellor Vranitzky tried to convince Mock to limit his activities on behalf of Slovenia. However, Mock tried to convince the Austrian government to give Slovenia logistic and other help. Austria even gave Slovenia loans with which it could continue its import and export in June and July 1991. Vranitzky did not oppose that; later when the question of international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia was on the table he kept a low profile. Austria contributed a great deal to recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Already on 15 August 1990, together with members of the EC, it demanded?because of the brutal behavior of the Serb authorities towards the Albanians of Kosovo?discussion of this issue within the OSCE. On 10 October 1990 Vranitzky confirmed in a conversation with then Vice-president of the Presidency of SFRY Stipe Mesic that Austria preferred the non-interference of other states in Yugoslav internal affairs. In March 1991, on the occasion of a meeting with Yugoslav Prime Minister Ante Markovic, he emphasized that only the Yugoslav government was the official partner for Austria. In spite of that, the Austrian government already had contacts with the governments of the Republics of Slovenia and Croatia. On 12 March Vranitzky emphasized that Austria was ready to cooperate with the Yugoslav republics, although it would remain in contact with the federal government. In March 1991 Austria again tried to get the OSCE t o intervene. Public opinion was an important factor in the formation of the Austrian policy leaning in favor of Slovenian and Croatian demands for independence. On 9 July 1991 Austrian Chancellor Vranitzky invited some representatives of Western Social-Democratic parties to Vienna in order to exchange views on the Yugoslav crisis. The leader of the German Socialists, Bjoern Engholm, demanded recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as a result ?of the end of the negotiations and not at the beginning of negotiations.? The leader of the Italian Socialists, Betino Craxi, was afraid of a ?chain reaction;? in spite of that he demanded a new order on the territory of Yugoslavia and he also demanded recognition of the republics. The president of PASOK (Greek Socialists), Carolos Papoulias, warned ?against threatening of security in the Mediterranean;? in his words the situation was ?very explosive.? In spite of the fact that Western European Social-Democratic parties came to a conclusion that they did not ha ve a unified position towards the Yugoslav crisis, most of them still demanded the principles of self-determination for the Yugoslav nations. And that in spite of the fact that they still wanted somehow to keep Yugoslavia together. They all demanded a peaceful solution of the crisis on the basis of negotiations. The Norwegian prime minister, a Socialist, Groo Brutland, also supported a united Yugoslavia. In fact, a majority of the members of the international community were convinced that a united Yugoslavia should be preserved in order to play a role in maintaining a military and geopolitical balance in Europe. During that period, in spite of the reluctance of the U.S. administration, the U.S. Congress and the U.S. embassy in Yugoslavia continued to try to influence the Yugoslav scene. The Nickles Amendment, which threatened a cutoff of economic aid by 5 May 1991 if relations between Serbia and the Albanian population of Kosovo did not improve, was introduced in the U.S. Congress. During the next years the Yugoslav crisis?especially the crisis in Kosovo?brought quite a few debates in both chambers of the U.S. Congress. Representatives and senators were active in introducing amendments to the foreign aid bills and special resolutions regarding critical conditions in Yugoslavia. Some of them wanted to force Milo?evic to solve the Kosovo question by giving democratic rights to both major ethnic groups. In the years 1985?1995, U.S. Congresswoman Helen Delich-Bentley (R?Maryland), of Serb descent, made an important contribution to lobbying for the ?Serb Truth.? Also, the support of other members of Congress from districts where large numbers of the electorate were of Serb descent was important. Those Congress members were almost always in a bind, however, since their constituencies usually included not only Serb-Americans, but also Croat-, Slovene?, and Albanian-Americans. Among those whom American Srbobran, an organ of Serb National Federation ? the largest Serb e thnic fraternal organization in the U.S. identified as ?good friends of the Serbs? were Lee Hamilton (D-IN), Dante Fascell (D-FL), Jim Moody (D?WI), and Gus Yatron (D-PA, who as an Orthodox Greek-American was virtually predestined to be ?pro-Serb?). Hamilton, who was chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, was the one who received the largest re-election campaign contributions from the Serb- and Greek-American communities, followed by Delich-Bentley and others. Representative Bentley, with the help of the others, succeeded in preventing passage of numerous resolutions and bills in Congress that would harm Serb interests. The U.S. Congress continued its support for Slovenia and Croatia, with an amendment to the Direct Aid to Democracies Act (the Dole Bill) offered by Rep. Dana Rohrbacher that sought to separate Slovenia and Croatia from Yugoslavia so that penalties for human rights violations in Kosovo would not apply to these republics and they could be sent aid, bypassing the Yugoslav government. In spite of the above-mentioned attempts of some members of the U.S. Congress, the Bush, Sr., Administration until 1992 tried to avoid playing any important role in solving the Yugoslav crisis. Bush, Sr., was afraid that any role his administration would play would influence the outcome of the U.S. presidential election in November. The U.S.A., therefore, opposed recognition of the Yugoslav republics. Also the U.S.A. was afraid that the Yugoslav crisis would influence the very complicated internal political situation in the Soviet Union. On the other hand, in the U.S.A., according to Zeitler, there was no special interest in the Yugoslav crisis, even in the regions where Serb and Croat immigrants and their descendants lived. Klemencic has written on this in another paper; there were many activities for and against recognition of Slovenia and Croatia by all ethnic groups from former Yugoslavia in the U.S.A. The U.S.A. did not have special economic interests in Yugoslavia. Annual U.S. aid was $5 million; there was almost no trade in weapons. The U.S.A. also did not have any mandate to intervene in this faraway region. And so at the OSCE conference in January 1991 they opposed any military intervention. The U.S.A. supported democratic processes in Yugoslavia but not at the expense of unity. On 18 June 1991 Secretary of State James Baker, at the Berlin Aspen Institute, demanded that members of the OSCE and the U.S.A. do everything they could to preserve the unity of states of Eastern Europe. According to the New York Times Secretary Baker said: ?A way has to be found to balance the increasing demands of individuals in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union to express their long suppressed ethnic and national identities and the demands on increasingly economically interdependent world, which requires integration with multinational and supranational economic institutions.? After the conference of foreign ministers of OSCE, on 21 June?four days before the Croatian and Slovene declarations of independence?Baker visited Belgrade. At first Yugoslavia was not on his itinerary. He wanted to visit Albania and as high ranking Administration official said to a New York Times reporter secretary Baker added Yugoslavia to his itinerary just a few days before his departure from the USA, because a visit to Albania without a stop in Yugoslavia would be interpreted as a snub in Belgrade. Baker did not know too much about Yugoslavia. Baker actually did not have any plan and had few ideas to offer on Yugoslavia except to suggest that the U.S. wanted a united Yugoslavia; but not only that: the U.S. wanted to see it democratic as well. He wanted to tell the leaders of Yugoslavia?s republics that they should continue to negotiate. He called for the devolution of additional authority, responsibility, and sovereignty to the republics of Yugoslavia, at the same time he expressed continued US sup port for a united Yugoslavia by promising Milo?evic that the United States would not recognize the independence of either Slovenia or Croatia. Regardless of the outcome, Baker expressed the expectation that the crisis would be resolved peacefully, even though domestic political considerations prevented the Bush administration from backing this warning with the threat of force. Hence, when Milo?evic asked what the US would do if Belgrade resorted to a military solution, Baker merely stated that it would be ostracized by the international community. Baker reported on his Yugoslavia visit to President Bush, Sr., as he wrote in his memories: I argued strongly against unilateral steps that would preempt a negotiating process, and basically sought to introduce a heavy dose of reality into the unreal political climate in Yugoslavia. Markovic was very pleased with this message and the thrust of the visit. Frankly I?m dubious the effect.? I felt that way because of the insane psychology of may meetings; the leaders seemed to be sleep-walking into a car wreck, and no matter how loud you yelled?or in the case of Milo?evic, practically slapped them in the face?they just kept on going. I told the President that we?d need to work with the Europeans to maintain a collective non-recognition policy against any republic that unilaterally declared independence, as a lever to moderate behavior. ?It is the practical steps that begin to implement independence (e.g., setting up custom posts, etc.) that will quickly produce disintegration and warfare. (We?ll also want to continue to persuade Markovic to exercise restraint , particularly wit h regard to the use of the military in response to these declarations.)? I concluded my report pessimistically: ?my gut feeling is that we won?t produce a serious dialogue on the future of Yugoslavia until all parties have a greater sense of urgency and danger. We may not be able to impart that from the outside, but we and others should continue to push. Baker differed between independence proclamations of Slovenia and Croatia on the one hand and Bosnia and Macedonia on the other. Lawrence Eagleburger wrote later in his comments to a memo of Tom Niles, who was then the Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs, on options for recognition of post-Yugoslav republics: How could we recognize Croatia and Slovenia, which had pursued independence unilaterally and in violation of Helsinki principles, and not recognize Skopje and Sarajevo, which had done so in a peaceful and democratic manner? Moreover, not recognizing Bosnia and Macedonia, he noted ?could create real instability, which less than mature players in Serbia and Greece might decide to exploit.? While interpretations of Baker?s visit have varied, Zdravko Tomac probably spoke for many Croats when he wrote that, in his view ?James Baker actively encouraged the federal government, Serbia and the Yugoslav Federal Army. By insisting on the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia, he agreed with Milo?evic?s policy and endorsed the JNA?s threat to Slovenia.?68 Then Slovenian Prime Minister Lojze Peterle emphasized in his memoirs that Baker insisted that Yugoslavia ought to stay together, but not for any price; i.e. it should be democratic. The JNA did, to be sure, favor the use of force to crush Slovenia?s bid for independence, but Milo?evic had decided months earlier that ?Slovenia should be left in peace.? Baker compared Slovenia and Croatia to ?teenage girls whose hormones got wild.?71 Slovene politicians tried to tell Baker that it was far too late to call off the transition to independence, but Baker did not even want to listen. Baker then declared his open support for the compromise constitutional formula on asymmetric confederation within a federation, put forth June 6 at the sixth Summit of Six meeting outside Sarajevo by President Alija Izetbegovic of BiH and President Kiro Gligorov of Macedonia. This proposal failed because of a complete failure of the Yugoslav economic and political system. Some blame interethnic conflict, while the others, according to our team member Marko Hoare, blame different national projects and state policies pursued by the leaders of the various Yugoslav republics and nationalities. International organizations and their working bodies, like OSCE, EC, European Parliament, NATO, the UN, etc., also tried to deal with the Yugoslav crisis. The positions of individual members of these bodies differed. Often they mirrored the official policy of their states or their homeland political parties; individual members of these international organizations or their working bodies sometimes even represented their own opinions. In spite of all that, until the beginning of military clashes in Yugoslavia, the consensus of these international organizations and their working bodies was that Yugoslavia should keep its territorial integrity but it should become a democracy. The EC foreign ministers on 18 December 1990 demanded respect of human rights and democratic principles in Yugoslavia. At the same time they demanded also the territorial integrity and unity of Yugoslavia and also respect of the interests of the republics. Already on 14 February 1991, Slovene Prime Minister Peterle met with President of the European Parliament Enrique Baron and member of the European Commission Abel Juan Matutes and made them acquainted with Slovene attempts to achieve independence and with the Slovenian wish to become a full member of the EC. On 4 April 1991 the EC ?troika? foreign ministers of Luxembourg (Poos), Netherlands (van den Broek), and Italy (de Michelis) visited Belgrade, where they met Markovic and Loncar and expressed the anxiety of the EC about the events in Yugoslavia; on this occasion they did not want to meet with representatives of Croatia and Slovenia. At their 9 April 1991 meeting, presidents and prime ministers of EC member states again demanded that Yugoslav territorial integrity be preserved. This was the position of the EC for the next few months. Prime Minister of Luxembourg Jacques Santer even declared that if Yugoslavia preserved territorial integrity, it could hope for Associate Membership in the EC. EC Commission President Jacques Delors and Santer then even visited Belgrade to explain this standpoint to representatives of the federal government as well as all six republics.77 Before departing for Belgrade they both emphasized that the EC did not want to interfere in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia and that it did not accept the role of intermediate between the opposing sides. Markovic tried to calm down Santer and Delors by a statement that the situation in Yugoslavia is complicated but not dramatic. Santer stated also that Yugoslavia would not get the status of Associate Member of EC until it solved its internal prob lems. During the visit of Santer and Delors to Belgrade, member states of the EC again declared their wish to keep a united Yugoslavia. Of course that unified support is not surprising because at that time eight foreign ministers of EC member states belonged to Socialists or Social-Democrats, i.e., the parties which traditionally supported the unity of Yugoslavia. In addition to promises about Associated membership, EC tried to keep Yugoslav territorial integrity also by offering credits. EC President Jacques Delors and Luxembourg Prime Minister Jacques Santer visited Belgrade on 29?30 May 1991 in order to make a commitment to the territorial integrity and international borders of Yugoslavia. The week before, and the very day after Croatians voted for independence, the EC had made the Yugoslav-EC association agreement contingent on the country remaining united. Delors also promised to request $4.5 billion in aid from the EC in support of the Yugoslav commitment to political reform. A day before Slovenia and Croatia declared independence, on 24 June 1991, a third financial protocol was approved with which the EC gave Yugoslavia 1.5 billion German Marks in loans At the same time the European Investment Bank also assured that it would give Yugoslavia another loan of 1.5 billion German Marks. Twelve EC foreign ministers simultaneously declared tha t they did not support Slovenian and Croatian endeavors to become independent and that they anxiously awaited further development of events in Yugoslavia. The West tried to resolve the Yugoslav crisis through a combination of economic and political pressure, while the Soviet Union gave Markovic?s government only oil and weapons. The West did not oppose when the Soviet Union sold arms to the JNA, i.e., twenty Mig-29 airplanes, rocket weapons, radar equipment, etc. Gorbachev and the Soviet generals were also determined to keep Yugoslavia united. They were aware that the Slovenian and Croatian ?example? could be followed by numerous nations in the wide region from Central Europe to the Bering Sea. European and U.S. politicians, therefore, did not hide that they were worried about ?the echoes? of the Yugoslav crisis in the Soviet Union. The OSCE got actively involved in the Yugoslav crisis also. Only a few days before the Slovene and Croatian declarations of independence, a meeting of foreign ministers of OSCE took place on 19 and 20 June in Berlin. This meeting had been planned earlier, at a Paris meeting in November 1990. At the Berlin meeting, the foreign ministers accepted ?mechanisms of fast interventions? in case critical circumstances developed that would endanger common security. They devoted part of the meeting to the crisis in Yugoslavia. Yugoslav Foreign Minister Budimir Loncar warned members of the conference that dissolution of Yugoslavia would destabilize other parts of Europe also. Loncar warned that if Yugoslavia disintegrated, new states would be established which will permanently fight each other and will be shaken by ethnic rivalries. All these states will not be able to survive in democratic Europe ? These states will represent a ticking bomb in the heart of Europe, if they would not cause a cha in reaction in the continent, where there are 46 potential and dangerous ethnic conflicts possible in the waiting ? Therefore it would be necessary to keep the integrity of the state All participants in the conference expressed their interest in keeping Yugoslavia united, but democratic and federative. This was mirrored in many drafts of a final statement on the Yugoslav situation. One such statement, prepared by then president of the EC Council of Foreign Ministers Jacques Poos, was not accepted at the end. The most interesting part of this statement was the opinion of Poos that ?it is a misfortune of the Yugoslav nations that they are too small to gain independence.? The most interesting fact regarding this part of his draft is the fact that the area of Luxembourg?from which Poos came?is eight times smaller than Slovenia and has one-fifth its population. In a final statement, participants in the conference declared their support for unity and the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia while at the same time supporting democratic development of Yugoslav society, economic reforms, and observance of human rights in all parts of Yugoslavia, including minority rights. They demanded a peaceful solution of the Yugoslav crisis and asked all sides to continue the dialogue. During the meeting OSCE also held intensive discussions among the foreign ministers of Germany (Genscher), the U.S.A. (Baker), the Soviet Union (Bessmertnych), and Yugoslavia (Loncar). In their separate statements they declared that it was up to the nations of Yugoslavia to decide on its future. Gensher also mentioned that the right of secession, included in the Yugoslav constitution of 1974, should be respected. The European Parliament devoted much of its time to the Yugoslav crisis. The Greens in the European Parliament sharply criticized the situation in Yugoslavia and especially the war in Slovenia and expressed their criticisms in a letter to van den Broek and Delors. At the beginning of July 1991, under the leadership of Belgian Prime Minister Wilfried Martens, a meeting of the presidency of the European People?s Party took place. At this meeting they passed a resolution on the situation in Yugoslavia and condemned the attack of the JNA on Slovenia. It is important that this resolution contained a statement ?that Slovenes and Croats ? when they declared independence of their states acted in accordance with their right of self-determination as well as with the wishes of their nation.? At the same time they demanded that the international community recognize Slovenia and Croatia as independent states if there was not a peaceful solution to the problem within three months.90 Already on 3 July 1991 a CDU/CSU faction in the European Parliament prepared a press release in which it expressed solidarity with the Slovene and Croatian nations and their freely elected governments and at the same time demanded recognition of their independence from the Germa n government, the Council of Ministers of the EC, and from the European Commission. Special support to the Croatian and Slovene independence was also given by the Pan-European Union and especially the son of the last Austrian Emperor, Otto von Habsburg. He expressed his support for the right of self-determination for Slovenes, Croats, Kosovo Albanians, and other nations of Yugoslavia in different statements from 1988 onwards. He made it possible for Prof. Mate Me?trovic of Farleigh Dickinson University in New Jersey, president of the Croatian National Congress to speak in the European Parliament in October 1988, where Me?trovic, among other things, emphasized that ?Milo?evic will awake wild masses of Serbian people; therefore the Croatian National Congress is afraid that a catastrophe of such proportions is nearing, the like of which today?s generation in Europe has not seen.? Otto von Habsburg and Karl von Habsburg visited Zagreb for the first time on 21 June 1990, where they talked to Croatian President Franjo Tudjman. In a speech to the Croatian PEN Club, Otto von Habsburg demanded an independent Croatia in a politically unified Europe. In November 1990 Otto von Habsburg enabled the president of the Slovene Parliament, France Bucar, and the president of the Croatian Parliament, ?arko Domjan, to speak to the European Parliament in Strasbourg. Bucar invited Otto von Habsburg to visit Slovenia. The media in Slovenia especially emphasized his statement that ?Slovenia has to return to the map of Europe,? and also his warnings against possible threats of violence. Others who received Otto von Habsburg included the president of the Slovenian Presidency, Milan Kucan, and Archbishop Alojzij ?u?tar. In February 1991 came to a sharp discussion between Otto von Habsburg and the presiding head of the European Council of Foreign Ministers, Poos, who did not react positively to the demands of the nations of Yugoslavia for self-determination. Otto von Habsburg stated: Representatives of the EC stated to the representatives of individual republics that they would cease any technical help if the republics declared independence. This was the standpoint of the Greeks, who practiced unconditional centralism in their country and who themselves oppressed minorities and who did not want at all to talk about self-determination of nations. It is normal that?with the exception of Italian social-democrats?all socialists supported centralism; but I think that we have to support self-determination of nations and we have to give that right also to Croats and Slovenes. NATO and the UN in this period did not give special attention to the crisis in Yugoslavia. Both organizations limited their reactions to following the situation in Yugoslavia and issuing statements that the crisis could destabilize the region. We can easily say that the international community did not fully appreciate either the Slovenes? and Croats? fear of Serbian supremacy or their desire to embrace a European identity in place of the Balkan one that they had acquired with the creation of the first Yugoslavia (1918) and which had become for them a symbol of backwardness. Slovenia was still little known in 1991. Even those who were better acquainted with the situation agreed with U.S. Ambassador Zimmermann, who reproached Slovenia for displaying egoistic nationalism la Greta Garbo? and insensibility towards foreseen consequences. The only states that knew the problems of Yugoslavia more deeply were Austria and Germany, because of their numerous researchers who studied regional history, geography, etc., and because of their historic relations with the Habsburg South Slavs. As a result, the media in those states reported favorably on Slovene and Croat plans for independence. In the view of the international community, wit h Milo?evic and his army in power, Yugoslavia could retain unity, but it could not become a democratic state. As an excuse for retaining the ?status quo,? it was enough to state that Croats and Slovenes, when they wanted independence, were sick with an ?anarchistic ethno-national illness,? which meant that it had no democratic value. This was the thinking of most of the diplomats stationed in Belgrade. Of them, Viktor Meier, correspondent of the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said that ?he never had seen such a mixture ? of false assessments, mental laziness, and superficiality.?